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The
“peace” movement that emerged in 2002, to protest American plans
to forcefully remove the dictator Saddam
Hussein from power in Iraq, was the largest and most ubiquitous
movement of its kind since the Vietnam War era. At rally after rally,
in cities across the United States, tens and then hundreds of
thousands of citizens were mobilized by leftist organizers to protest
the Bush administration's effort to rein in the rogue Baghdad regime.
Notably, these demonstrations were rife with slogans and
pronouncements – by protesters and guest speakers alike –
identifying Washington DC as the “axis of evil”; characterizing
America as a “terror state”; and depicting President Bush as a
“terrorist,” a “baby killer,” an “oil thief,” and the
moral equivalent of Adolf Hitler. Meanwhile, not a single rally
calling upon Saddam to disarm was held at any Iraqi embassy or
consulate in the U.S. or Europe.
This
is because the politics and strategies of the modern peace movement
are rooted in, and patterned after, those of the Cold War Communist
Left. In the 1930s, the Communist movement devised a strategy for
weakening and subverting democratic societies, which changed the
nature of revolutionary politics forever. Until then, the Communist
parties had openly declared their revolutionary agendas, which were
not only anti-Western and anti-democratic, but also required illegal
and criminal means to achieve. Specifically, Communists sought to
bring about a “dictatorship of the proletariat” through a “civil
war” in the Western democracies. Their primary agenda was to
provide “frontier guards” to defend the Soviet Union and its
dictatorship, because that was the revolutionary base. But by openly
declaring their Communist agendas, they caused themselves to be
marginalized as nothing more than a fringe minority in democratic
societies.
Then, in 1935, the Communist parties adopted a new
tactic which they called the Popular Front. The agendas of the
Popular Front were framed in terms of the fundamental values of the
societies the Communists intended to destroy. In place of the
“dictatorship of the proletariat” and an “international civil
war,” the Communists organized coalitions for “democracy,
justice, and peace.” Nothing had changed in the philosophy and
goals of the Communists, but by advocating (or seeming to advocate)
respectable goals, they were able to forge broad alliances with
individuals and groups who had no inkling of their true agendas or –
in any case – believed them to be less sinister and dangerous than
they actually were. The Communists, by working through the Popular
Front they had formed with liberal groups, were able to hide their
conspiratorial activities, form “peace” movements, and increase
their own numbers until they became a formidable political
force.
Soon after it began
with a 1965 demonstration led by the Students
for a Democratic Society, the anti-Vietnam War movement was
directed by a left-wing coalition of radical pacifists, American
Trotskyists, and other assorted Communists, who led the era's many
giant peace rallies under the auspices of an umbrella front group
controlled by the Trotskyist Socialist Workers Party. It was not by
accident that those marches became identified with the waving of Viet
Cong flags and cries of “Ho, Ho, Ho Chi Minh, NLF is Gonna Win.”
(NLF was the acronym for National Liberation Front, the Communist
regime that governed North Vietnam.) Not all the marchers wanted a
Communist victory. But the extremists who ran the marches had as the
official slogan: “Bring The Troops Home Now!” This meant, in
effect, unilateral withdrawal as distinct from negotiations; in other
words, the North Vietnamese would have to win.
More
recently, the “peace” movement that was launched in America and
other Western nations to oppose U.S. efforts to disarm Saddam Hussein
likewise grew with astonishing speed. And, like its Sixties
counterpart, the later movement depicted the United States as the
world's foremost aggressor and terrorist state. This is because the
organizers of the latter-day movement were veteran Communists; indeed
the movement itself was an exemplary expression of the “popular
front” strategy.
To be sure, many -- perhaps most -- of the demonstrators who attended
the anti-war rallies staged by such organizers, were unaware of these
Communist roots and radical objectives; many of these unsuspecting
people were animated only by a sincere desire for peace at any cost,
coupled with a belief that their own good intentions, if given a proper
forum, could be depended upon to win the hearts of America's adversaries
and thereby stave off war. But the foes whom such individuals aim to
appease inevitably pursue their aggressive ambitions nonetheless,
drawing the would-be peacemakers into deadly conflicts for which the
latter may be unprepared, both psychologically and militarily. To such
naive idealists, Winston Churchill once addressed the following words:
"Virtuous motives, trammeled by inertia and timidity, are no
match for armed and resolute wickedness. A sincere love of peace is no
excuse for muddling hundreds of millions of humble folk into total war.
The cheers of weak, well-meaning assemblies soon cease to echo, and
their votes soon cease to count. Doom marches on."
The RESOURCES column on the right side of this page contains a link to
the section where profiles of peace activists can be found. It also contains
links to articles, essays, books, and videos that explore:
- the
worldviews, agendas, and communist/radical affiliations of the leaders of the modern-day peace movement;
- counter-recruitment programs initiated by peace groups and designed to hinder the U.S. military's efforts to enlist new young people into the armed services;
- the teachings and objectives of university Peace Studies programs; and
- the Religious Left's promotion of a brand of pacifism usually rooted in anti-Americanism
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